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Judy Lubin “The ‘Occupy’ Movement: Emerging Protest Forms and Contested Urban Spaces”

Lubin, Judy 2012. The ’Occupy’ Movement: Emerging Protest Forms and Contested Urban Spaces. Berkeley Planning Journal 25: 184-197.

These protests highlight the inherently political character of the distribution and use of space in urban settings (Rios 2009, Swyngedouw 2009). (184)

Linnaruumile sisemiselt omane poliitilisus? Eelkõige ilmselt subjektsuse-praktikate võimaldaja ning piirajana – kujundajana.

At a moment when the national discourse focused on deficit reduction and austerity measures, Occupy protestors redirected the nation’s attention to the underlying source of the current economic crisis: global corporate interests. (184-185)

By literally and symbolically seizing public spaces, the Occupy Movement has reasserted the primacy of popular interests ahead of corporations. […] In an era in which revolutions are tweeted and televised, the Occupy Movement has demonstrated that new urban protests will increasingly manifest not only in physical forms, but in virtual spaces as well. (185)

Virtuaalruum mitte ainult kui “lisand” tegelikule ruumile, selle representatsioon, vaid vaadeldav samaväärsena, kus “praktiseeritakse vabadust”, n-ö. Virtuaalruumigi kohta võiks ehk öelda, et see on sisemiselt poliitiline, selle asemel et öelda nt, et “uus meedia” võimaldab emantsipatiivset poliitikat või, vastupidi, tõhustab järelevalvetegevust – see on antagonistlike praktikate ruum, milles toimub subjektsuse erinevate vormide tootmine.

Critics of the Occupy Movement point to this lack of leadership and concrete demands as barriers to achieving political change. However, for many Occupiers, replicating the existing hierarchical structures of political leadership is contrary to their populist, democratic goals. The horizontal organizational structure is a response to the corruption and failure of representative democracy to represent the interests of the people (Gautney 2011) and a realization of a collective class consciousness. (187)

Anarhistlikud põhimõtted vastuseisuks kehtivatele, “legitiimsetele” poliitilistele protsessidele. Ma küll ei tahaks siinkohal kasutada “klassiteadvuse realisatsiooni” terminit – see eeldaks eelnevalt eksisteerivat “teadvust”, mida praktika “representeerib”. Pigem tekib poliitiline subjektsus (mitte tingimata “klass”!) just “juhitu” ja “spetsiifiliste nõudmisteta” diskursiivse praktika ja kollektiivse kehaloome kaudu. Praktika ja subjektsus kui samaaegsus; praktika ei representeeri subjekti teadvust!!!

New media tools have allowed for virtual or satellite protests outside of Manhattan to spring up easily through information posted on websites and social networks such as Twitter and Facebook. Protestors and supporters created a strong online presence with the daily publishing of photos and streaming of videos of marches and clashes with police. (187)

Occupiers’ use of Zuccotti Park underscored concerns about the role of private interests in urban governance.  A  privately-owned  public  space  in  New  York’s  financial district, the park was created as part of zoning concessions to developers, which included an additional 300,000 square feet of rentable space (Berg 2011). (189)

Rancière: poliitilise/sotsiaalse ruumi ümberdefineerimine kui poliitilisele omane. Eraomand kui selline muudetakse vaidlusaluseks. Kuivõrd saame lubada avaliku omandi erastamist (teiste sõnadega “liberaliseerimist” ehk vabastamist riiklikust omandist) – tulemuseks ühiskond kui erahuvide konfiguratsioon ja kokkupõrkeruum: kollektiivse praktika (poliitilise subjektsuse) välistamine.

Occupy Wall Street protestors transformed a mostly concrete park into a public square—reclaiming a once-corporate public space for the people. (189)

The occupations also create tensions by calling attention to the underlying antagonistic social relations that permeate city life. By making claims to public spaces, protestors make visible the contradictions in urban life. The critical mass of protestors sleeping in tents juxtaposed against skyscrapers highlights the poverty and homelessness that elite city dwellers conveniently learn to ignore. (190)

The seizing of public spaces and the use of social media to promote and report acts of resistance suggest that in mediated societies, protests configured for virtual audiences are likely to become mainstays of urban social movements. (191)

In somewhat of an irony, after evicting the protestors from Zuccotti Park, Mayor Bloomberg asserted, “Now they will have to occupy the space with the power of their arguments (Tharoor 2011).” (192)

Jällekord: meie olemegi meie nõudmised ehk meie olemegi meie argumendid. Kohalolu ja selle kaudu ruumiloome on meie praktika. “Argumenteerimine” on hegemoonse keelekasutuse pealesurumine: kes te olete (identifitseerige ennast!) ja mida te tahate? Küsimused, mille vastused saavad genereerida vaid reaktsioone, mitte aktsioone (riik, hegemoonne keel kui reaktiivne ehk paigale kinnistav – statistika).

Categories: Judy Lubin, Occupy Wall St